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Deeper inside the Black Beret Cadre . . .

DURING one of the angry bullets-or-ballots debates that ultimately fractured the Black Beret Cadre membership, splintering an organisation that had become the para-military spearhead of the island's Black Power movement by the early 1970s, Female Beret Pink (pseudonym) advocated an uncompromising revolutionary agenda.

At a meeting in 1971, she called for nothing less than total guerilla warfare against the Bermudian "system", calling for the "complete and utter" destruction of the existing political, economic and social order.

"Female Beret Pink suggested the Berets begin a campaign of burning down Bermuda's hotels. This would frighten tourists from the island and cause economic hardship," reads an intelligence report on Black Beret activities forwarded to the Foreign & Commonwealth Office by then Governor Lord Martonmere.

"She said unless the Berets adopted such hardline tactics it would take 300 years to achieve its objectives. A guerilla campaign, however, would put the Bermudian 'system' out of business in a few months.

"The Berets would then be in a position to dictate terms."

Representing the extremist wing of the paramilitary group, Female Beret Pink - an instructor at the Beret "Liberation" School which, among other activities, indoctrinated children as young as five with Black Power slogans introduced into the lyrics of nursery rhymes - said "the violence of the system can only be challenged with violence".

At the other extreme of the Cadre ideological spectrum was Beret Gold (pseudonym), who at the same meeting challenged Female Beret Pink's by-any-means-necessary approach.

"Beret Gold asked Beret Pink how his grandmother would be able to pay her mortgage if the hotel where she worked was burned down.

"He said the Berets were now in a position to influence the policies of both the United Bermuda Party and the Progressive Labour Party; they were a force in the community that could not be ignored and they could be a force for considerable good.

"Beret Gold argued that items in the Beret manifesto relating to affordable housing, Bermudianisation, etc. were already being implemented under the current (UBP) Government and such programmes would probably be accelerated under a PLP Government.

"The Cadre could achieve all of its aims by stepping up its propaganda activities and eschewing violent methods altogether."

Beret Pink then accused Beret Gold of being a reactionary and counter-revolutionary. He was told to shut up and sit down. He did.

The Black Beret Cadre's campaign - which veered between Female Beret Pink's mailed-fist approach and Beret Gold's softly-softly policy - began in earnest at the beginning of 1970.

In the first few months of that year the Berets proked disturbances among students at two schools and organised a sit-down demonstration at the Mid Ocean Club in Tucker's Town.

There was also a failed arson attempt at the House of Assembly on March 21, a building the Berets had publicly threatened to attack, although the prime suspect in that attack was believed to be a Member of Parliament with ties to the group rather than an active member of the Cadre.

"Several disturbing incidents within the past week confirm the impression that the Black Beret Cadre is rapidly becoming a serious threat to security," Lord Martonmere cabled the Foreign & Commonwealth Office on March 25.

"With purely racialist motives it is challenging authority apparently with the intention of provoking Government reaction and using this as an excuse for violence.

"The incidents include baiting of white teachers; illegal meetings and demonstrations in schools by members of the organisation who are not students of the schools; deliberate trespass by a gang of some 30 members on property of the exclusive Mid Ocean Club; and an abortive attempt, though not proven against them, to burn the House of Assembly chamber.

"There is no doubt the organisation is vastly improved and now has effective leadership and rapidly increasing support among young black people.

"Some form of demonstration is reported to be planned during period March 25-29."

The intelligence was accurate.

On the evening of March 29 Old Devonshire Church was bombed and almost completely gutted by the ensuing fire.

In a follow-up cable sent to London on March 30, Martonmere said of the desecration of Old Devonshire Church: "Although action took different form from that anticipated (rioting), possibly because of increased police activity and presence of (British) frigate (in Hamilton harbour), this latest occurrence, if proven against Cadre, indicates new phase of bolder, more determined attacks against authority and confirms belief that Cadre is a serious danger to security."

In March, 1970 the Berets had begun to circulate an incendiary newsletter entitled Voice of the Revolutionaries which, while plagiarising sections of speeches originally delivered by Malcolm X and Mao-Tse-Tung and attributing the remarks to Beret members, did include its overriding strategic objective for Bermuda: "Just remember that if you are not for the cause, you are against it. This is our land and it is up to us to co-ordinate our efforts to drive the Pigs from our land . . . THE TYRANT WHITE PIGS OF THE POWER STRUCTURE."

Covers were emblazoned with the Black Beret slogan: "Peace if Possible; Compromise Never; Freedom by ANY means Necessary."

In a secret memorandum from the Foreign & Commonwealth Office to the Security Liaison Officer attached to the British Embassy in Washington, responsible for co-ordinating arrangements for the Prince of Wales' visit to Bermuda in October, 1970, the history of the Black Power movement in the island was briefly recapped.

"As you know there is considerable background to all this, running back to the racial riots of 1968, Mr. Roosevelt Brown's Black Power conference in 1969 and, more recently, the emergence earlier this year of the Black Beret Cadre. This last event was accompanied by outbreaks of violence . . .

"Clearly, Black Power and such militant manifestations of it as the Black Beret Cadre will not simply go away - especially in a racially divided society like Bermuda - no matter how moderate and sensible the Government's policies may be . . .

"There is no easy answer to the activity of the Black Beret Cadre, based as it is on revlutionary and anarchistic concepts imported largely from the United States which have no great relevance to the problems of Bermuda."

The anger of the extremist wing of the Black Beret Cadre was directed not only towards the Bermudian Establishment but also those black Bermudians who refused to heed its revolutionary call. ". . . It is interesting to see in the Bermuda Intelligence Committee Report reference to criticism of the Progressive Labour Party by Cadre members," reads a now declassified 1970 internal Foreign & Commonwealth Office memorandum on Cadre activities.

"This is enlarged on in the latest edition of the Black Beret Cadre publication which also extends the criticism to trade union leaders, black members of the professions and to black businessmen, complaining that they have been 'white-washed' and absorbed into the system.

"While this is in keeping with the Cadre's vanguard philosophies, I am tempted to hope that it is also evidence that the Cadre is having difficulty in making any real headway so long as Bermuda's current prosperity continues and the black community enjoys an increasing share of the wealth."

The Beret membership never rose above a hundred and, at times, as few as 50 hardcore activists attended its meetings - held as often as three times a week at its Court Street headquarters between 1970 and 1972.

In the aftermath of the devastating Easter holiday bombing of Old Devonshire Church, Lord Martonmere sent a dispatch to the Foreign & Commonwealth Office saying the Berets were clearly a well-organised and well-financed group - in stark contrast to several other short-lived Bermuda revolutionary cells advocating similar philosophies - and posed a long-term danger to the island's stability.

". . . The Black Beret Cadre (has) rapidly becoming a serious threat to security. It was challenging authority, apparently with the intention of provoking Government reaction and using this as an excuse for violence.

"More recently there has been growing evidence that the cult of black separatism among young people is being actively promoted; the movement is apparently becoming better organised and more effective.

"There were reports of demonstrations being planned for the Easter holiday and suitable preparations were being made to deal with breaches of the peace. In the event the only incident was the almost complete destruction of the Colony's second oldest church (built in 1716) by explosion and fire. The police suspect that the Cadre was responsible for the descration.

"The anticipated demonstrations did not take place owing to the increased police activity and the presence of a British frigate (in Hamilton harbour).

"However, the destruction of the church, if the Black Berets were indeed responsible, indicates a new phase of bolder and more determined attacks against authority. Further sabotage attempts and confrontations with authority are therefore considered likely."

THROUGHOUT 1970 - a year that was punctuated by widespread labour unrest that the Berets sought to use to their advantage - police and militants were engaging one another on an almost nightly basis in Hamilton, with police intelligence reporting the presence of Berets at the flashpoints of these increasingly devastating mini-riots.

"Though Black Beret Cadre was not involved as an organisation Beret Red, a leading member, and his brother were among a crowd at City Hall and threatened a police officer with violence," reads a report compiled on the evening of October 4, 1970, when a small melee at City Hall spiralled out of control.

"Crowd were exhorted by him to split into two groups - one to (march on) central police station, the other to prepare Molotov cocktails. Apparently the crowd responded."

The Berets were hoping to sow the seeds of its revolutionary doctrine on the picket lines, encouraging strikers to engage in direct confrontation with the authorities.

"The outbreaks of violence and lawlessness . . . and the deterioration in industrial relations have created an unsettled climate which rival organisations such as the Black Beret Cadre are likely to exploit," was Martonmere's assessment of the volatile situation in mid-October 1970.

". . . As so often happens in industrial disputes in Bermuda, a deterioration in labour relations is likely to lead to an increase in racial tension.

"This, coupled with sporadic lawlessness, poses a potential threat to internal security. The situation is highly volatile and could change for the better or the worse very suddenly."

A situation report compiled by police on October 7 implicated the Berets in a series of ongoing arson attacks and riots, saying the guerilla tactics were in keeping with an overall strategy aimed at plunging the island into anarchy: "It is now known the Black Beret Cadre is directing these attacks.

"Members in cars clever enough not to be carrying incriminating evidence were involved (in arson attacks in Hamilton and St. George's) last night and Special Branch reports that at suitable opportunity Berets plan to attack police operations centre. Police today have been placed at Security Stage Amber, which means 12-hour shifts and more men on the ground."

On the evening of October 8/9 an arson attack resulted in a huge fire that burnt the Chesley White building on Reid Street to the ground, causing more than a quarter-of-a-million dollars in damage.

While firemen battled that blaze, which at one point threatened to engulf neighboring buildings, an attempt was made to torch a furniture store further up Reid Street in a bid to further stretch the already overextended vehicles and manpower of the Fire Service. An icepick-wielding arsonist was arrested in connection with the second attack.

However, when two of the strikes then paralysing the island in October, 1970 ended abruptly - one at the airport, the other at a car dealership - the violence vanished along with the picket lines the Berets were attempting to infiltrate.

In a communique to the Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Martonmere itemised the damage caused during eight successive nights of increasingly violent conflict in October: 25 cases of arson or attempted arson, 13 incidents of malicious damage, two shootings and two malicious telephone calls (threats had been called in to police to torch City Hall and St. Theresa's Roman Catholic Cathedral).

On the evening of October 9 - as a nervous peace descended on Bermuda, the air of Hamilton still perfumed with the scorched inventory of Chesley White's - Martonmere was provided with intelligence reports that suggested the armistice would prove temporary.

"As an organisation the Black Beret Cadre is anxious to appear uninvolved (with the violence) since to be otherwise would jeopardise their appeal against the six-month sentence of Dionne (Bassett), their chief of staff, for flag burning.

"But it is known that members have been told: Do their own thing - and this means meeting in twos or threes each night to arrange and perhaps participate in arson and damage. For this reason it has so far been impossible to obtain advance information of their plans."

Martonmere's fears proved to be well grounded.

A minor altercation on the evening of October 10/11 grew into a full-scale riot that resulted in the Bermuda Regiment being mobilised to back up a tired and overstretched police force.

"At 2045 hours 10 October, police requested youths to remove autocycles causing obstruction on pavement. Youths refused, used foul language and an attempted arrest attracted large, angry crowd which attacked police with bottles and stones. Tear gas dispersed crowd but it reformed and set up road blocks at entrances to Court Street.

"Then followed seven and a half hours of skirmishes with police and damage to property in which two private cars were destroyed, one grocery gutted and other shops damaged by fire or wanton destruction.

"On three occasions police were fired upon, once by an automatic weapon. No one was injured.

"Police operations were made difficult by Court Street lighting being sabotaged and tactics of crowd, which split up into small groups, scattered when police approached and reformed to cause damage elsewhere. Although numbers at one time estimated at 5-600, police restricted trouble-makers to Court Street area and maintained control."

While the island remained relatively settled in the following days, Black Beret "agitprop" ("agitation propaganda", an inflammatory technique to spread revolutionary ideology pioneered by the Soviets) continued unabated.

On the evening of October 18, 1970 Beret militants addressed a public meeting at a church hall, comparing their mission to that of Jesus Christ.

"The Black Beret Cadre held a well attended meeting last night in a church in Southampton at which Beret Orange is quoted as saying: ' We, the Black Beret Cadre, are willing to make the supreme sacrifice to bring about changes and to ensure our children get what they should. We feel if the Government thinks it is all right for arms to be sold to South Africa which practises open discrimination against black people, then they would feel all right to have arms sent here to kill people (Britain had recently sold arms to Pretoria; the Bermuda Government was implored by the Berets to make a Unilateral Declaration of Independence in protest). We must work to destroy this system of injustice which has been placed on us by our British colonial masters. We might have to break unjust laws to accomplish this and even if it hurts the tourist industry we must be willing to pay some price to get the right people in the right places to run this country'."

Saying Christ fought against unjust laws and died in the struggle, Beret Orange added: "We must do the same. We are not joking about this. We are very serious."

However, perhaps because the Berets had been implicated in the widespread violence that had rocked the island earlier in the year, its attempts to draw new members and spread its ideology were proving increasingly unsuccessful by the end of 1970.

IN November, 1970 a memorandum from the Chief Secretary (now Cabinet Secretary) dispatched to the West Indian Department of the Foreign & Commonwealth Office reported on the "abject failure" of a major Black Beret Cadre rally held on Front Street.

"On October 27, Police learned that, at a meeting organised by the Black Beret Cadre and attended by some 60 non-members, plans were laid down to hold a demonstration on Front Street on Saturday afternoon, October 31," reads the communique.

"There was talk of burning effigies, forming a procession along Front Street and alternatively lying down or running away through shops (which connect with parallel Reid Street) should police intervene.

"The main object of the demonstration, as stated at the meeting, was to protest against unfair discrimination in court sentence as between black and white defendants. In particular the six months' imprisonment of 'Dionne' Bassett for flag burning was very much in mind. On the appointed day, however, a typed sheet entitled 'Reasons for the Demonstration' was distributed and extended the protest to the jury system, high prices, press 'censorship' and Police 'Gestapo' tactics.

"Between 4 and 4.30 pm on October 31, 60 to 70 people gathered at the Flag Pole on Front Street. There were placards in plenty but no effigies or attempts to form a procession on Front Street.

"After milling around almost aimlessly for some time, the crowd moved off towards City Hall and were prevented from remaining in procession by the police who arrested six ringleaders on the spot for action by summons later . . .

"Although it was thought the crowd intended to reform in Bernard Park, it dispersed and there were no further incidents."

The "Reasons For Demonstratiin" (sic) pamphlet listed Black Beret concerns in language couched in the sloganeering language of the times: "Black people in Bermuda have never received justic (sic) in these courts. This is not surprising since the entire judicial system, legal code, and penal code have been deliberately designed towards the eternal enslavement and determinent of the colonial subjects. We finally believe that until we free ourselves of the British occupying force, i.e. the police force, the judiciary, civil services, teachers, nurses, etc. we shall be forced to accept the attendant evils of colonialism and British double standards."

The pamphlet went on to condemn "the man's concentratiin (sic) camp (Casemates)", called for the "protecdtion (sic) for black people against police rioters and Gestapo tactics" and launched a wholesale attack against foreign-born Puisne Judges and magistrates then sitting on the Bermuda bench, describing them as "political rejects from Britian (sic) and their colonial stooges from East, West and Southern Africa."

It concluded with the exhortation: "Power to the people!"

A SECRET Government House intelligence report for the period February/March 1971 noted there was growing frustration in the Cadre ranks because of a series of setbacks - including the arrests of two leaders and what Beret Orange called the failure of "the Bermudian masses to follow our thinking".

At this stage, the intelligence report notes, Cadre strategising entered a dangerous new phase.

"During the past month (February/March) the Cadre has met on an average of three times a week and in the absence of 'Dionne' Bassett and Beret Black, in jail on charges of disorderly behaviour and contempt of court, Beret Yellow and Beret Red have assumed leading roles in the organisation. Beret Green has concentrated on developing an intelligence and security (I&S) unit.

"There have been the usual discussions on revolution and detailed explanations of the Cadre manifesto: but the most popular subject has been an examination of the Bermuda Police Force which was described at one meeting as being 'in control of the community'.

"A speaker at the same meeting made the point that to succeed in revolution, the BBC must be trained to fight, but that this was not possible in present circumstances where Cadre activities were being closely watched by police.

"To make BBC members aware of who their 'enemies' are, photographs have been displayed at several meetings.

"Beret Green has detailed the I&S unit to collect information about all police officers and one Cadre member has been seen at Police headquarters taking numbers of private cars owned by members of the force.

"All Cadre members have been instructed to note the personal appearance of every police officer they see. They are also required to discover how many men are on duty at any given time, the number of available police cars and riot trucks and any other information which would assist the Cadre's examination of the force.

"The result of this attention is that members of the I&S unit are in possession of a list of police officers, mainly Special Branch and Criminal Investigation Department.

"Beret Green has told the unit that these officers should be watched at all times and Berets Green and Red have said that should trouble erupt, secret cells of the Cadre would be formed to attack these individuals . . ."

"Beret Green said the Cadre should use guerilla tactics to scare Government into agreeing to BBC demands. But Beret Red said it would be a mistake to instil fear in the people as Government would then bring in more forces and intensify the existing 'Police State'."

Martonmere was clearly disturbed by the Cadre's decision to begin shadowing and profiling individual police officers who would likely be potential targets in a guerilla war, making his concerns about this frightening new development clear in one of his regular dispatches to London on March 5, 1971: "Despite prison sentences meted out to two of its leaders and their absence in prison, the organisation has remained intact and continued with its meetings and propaganda and with the 'Liberation School' classes which are attended by increasing numbers of schoolchildren whose parents either do not wish - or are afraid - about the indoctrination of their children.

" . . . Long-term problems that will be created by the Cadre's influence are unresolved . . ." The militancy of the Beret hardcore only increased throughout 1971, with discussions taking place on the possibility of sending a Beret team to Cuba - then sponsoring revolutionary movements throughout the Caribbean and Latin America.

"A meeting held on March 1 was chaired by Beret Green. He explained his interpretation of revolution, reform, socialism and communism. At one stage the possibilities of going to Cuba were discussed. Beret Green explained this could be done by going through Canada, but that such visits would attract police attention.

At this juncture Female Beret Pink's call for "total revolution against the man's system" was clearly in the ascendant in the diminished but increasingly radicalised Cadre ranks, Beret Gold's demand for the peaceful evolution of Bermudian society largely ignored.