One can learn from one's historical experience, but one cannot change what historical facts. But judging by recent comments made by United Bermuda Party politicians and officials, one could conclude that a revisionist version of Bermuda's social and political development is being put forward in an attempt to paint a picture of the UBP as being in the forefront of racial, social and economic reform in this country,

Now maybe you could get away with this type of thing if we were a century removed from the decades of the 1950s, '60s, '70s (and right up to and including the watershed political change that took place in 1998). But, of course, even a hundred years from now any such argument would still be illusory. And I hope by that point a generation of Bermudians will have come into being who would not be afraid to tell the truth about their historical and social development.

The problem with the current attempt on the part of the UBP Opposition to present a revisionist view of Bermuda's historical development is that the generation that was the real catalyst behind Bermuda's social reforms has not yet passed away in its entirety.

The black Bermuda Civil Rights struggle was the real force behind the social reforms that were pushed to the forefront. The United Bermuda Party could never make the claim that it took the lead. It was the reaction to actions being undertaken by others. In fact their idea of social reform was more akin to the children's yarn that we all learn in school, the story about the dog in the manger.

In fact the UBP's idea of social reform had much in common with the views of that party's political forefathers, who stood in the way of the social reforms called for by such black Bermudian political leaders as Dr. Eustace Cann; Lawyer Walter Robinson; Edward Dejean; A.A. Francis and even, at that early stage, E.T. Richards before he joined the United Bermuda Party. The chief aim of the UBP's founding fathers was to ensure that if social reform was to come about in this country, then it would be a question of making haste slowly.

Mr. Michael M. Fahy, current,chairman of the United Bermuda Party, has quickly revealed himself as a leading voice in his party's attempts to present a revisionist view of the social and political changes that have taken place in Bermuda.

Some of his claims concerning the social reforms supposedly carried out by former UBP Governments can only be described as breathtaking. If only they were the truth.

Mr. Fahy ignores the black Bermudian Civil Rights struggle which manifested itself in the political movement led by the Progressive Labour Party and in the labour sphere by the Bermudian Industrial Union.

Mr. Fahy speaks of the United Bermuda Party being the Government when such social reforms as affordable housing were introduced along with workmen's compensation, social and hospital insurance, national pension schemes and desegregated schools. He also says that the UBP presided over the expansion of Bermuda economy, a development which supposedly benefitted all Bermudians.

I would ask this question of the UBP chairman: "How many of these very same social reforms were originally contained in trade union pioneer Dr. E.F. Gordon's White Paper which he took over to London? How long did it take for the United Bermuda Party Government to bring forth these reforms, pushed along all the way by the then Progressive Labour Party Opposition?

If a United Bermuda Party Government presided over the desegregation of Bermuda's school system, then why is it today that Bermuda retains a largely racially divided school system where blacks dominate the public school system and whites the private school system?

And as for Bermuda's much vaunted expanded economy - how many labour wars did Bermuda's black labour force fight to win basic workers rights and benefits?"

Interestingly, when it comes to this economy, all during the time the UBP formed the Government, there was an ongoing debate on something called Bermudianisation and this debate continues even today in a different form given the protests over the PLP Government policy of term limits on guest workers.

Recently Kim Swan, Leader of the UBP, listed what he calls the PLP government's seven deadly political sins.

1. He claims that the PLP Government is bullying the Civil Service. Well that did not stop them from mounting a protest march at the opening of Parliament led by their union.

2. The forced take over of the Bermuda Cement Company well in any man's country if you play hard ball with the Government, the Government invariably wins, In this instance a clear attempt was made to effectively bully the building industry with the BCC's monopolised control of cement if its owners did not get their way.

3. The arrest of the Auditor General Well he may have every right to collect financial information on the Government but not if it comes from dubious sources,. taken from Police Headquarters or leaked by a disgruntled Police officer, no matter how high up in the ranks he goes.

4. The arrest of the so-called Son of the Soil, described as a patriot and a whistle blower. Whose patriot? A whistle blower on whose behalf? The people decided this matter in the last election when they rejected his bid for a seat in Parliament.

5. Passage of a law that effectively discriminates against Bermudians married to non-Bermudians? Wasn't this over the issue of being able to buy a second piece of land or a second house? Bermuda has no vast hinter lands with endless land space just waiting to be developed. Whose side is Kim Swan's United Bermuda Party on? Those who at least can benefit from having one foot in this country and another in another man's country? Or the aspirations of my grandchildren in their own country?

6. The failure of Government to fully involve teachers and principles in educational reforms. The Government has entered a policy of national reforms for Bermuda's educational system and those reforms will step on many toes both teachers and principles when it comes right down to it. It is a question of national interests. Is that something that the UBP political opposition understands or did it become part of a bipartisan government committee just so it can play politics with the issue?

7. Press intimidation. In that case the PLP has always had a bad relationship with the Press even when it was in Opposition. The reality is like many things in this country, there is a divide concerning the Press and the community that goes beyond the sometimes overblown remarks of a Col. Burch and when it comes right down to it, a bridge will have to be built coming from both sides.

You will notice as I offer a rebuttal to the Leader of the United Bermuda Party I have not demonstrated the same fixation with race that the Opposition has ever since it lost its first election to the PLP in 1998..

That 's why I save this last opinion, on the national holiday given in the name of the first PLP victory at the polls, for last.

The people demanded that holiday just like it was right that a national day of mourning be declared when we laid Dame Lois Browne Evans to rest. It is all about the historical development of this country. This is something the United Bermuda Party has never understood and this lack of understanding lies at the centre of that political party's current dilemma over what role it will play in Bermuda's political future.

An apology. In last week's Commentary I made a grievous mistake in placing Sister Elvia Eve's African School in the wrong country. In fact it is in Zambia in South Central Africa, a long way from where I stated that it was as in Liberia in West Africa. I hope Sister Eve will forgive me as I set the record straight.