It would not be possible to call Premier Jennifer Smith's election announcement yesterday a shock, since all of Bermuda must have known by now that the date would have to be set within the next five months.

But there was little public awareness that she would announce the July 24 date yesterday, and in that sense, the Progressive Labour Party scored a small tactical victory and will have put the United Bermuda Party on the back foot, at least temporarily.

It is, however, unlikely to play a big part in the campaign, which will be one of the longest in memory at six weeks.

It is hard to tell at this stage whether a long campaign will help the PLP or not. Based on the most recent polls, both parties are starting off with relatively low bases of certain support of between 25 and 30 percent of the electorate each.

That means about half the electorate are undecided or may not vote at all. A long campaign could give both parties time to build enthusiasm for their platforms and candidates and it may be that the Government, with the advantage of incumbency, will have time to roll out a range of voter-pleasing initiatives.

It also gives both parties plenty of time to canvass, and given that the PLP has announced no official candidates so far, the latter point is of huge importance. But it also gives the UBP time to do the same thing, so it may turn out to be of little difference in terms of advantage.

That has to be balanced against the risk of voter fatigue, which could well occur as the public endures 39 days of "all politics all the time".

With that in mind, turnout could be crucial. The PLP rode to power in the last election on a wave of euphoria and a high turnout. It is an open question whether it can generate the same enthusiasm this time, and it is a reasonable assumption that this will play to the UBP's advantage, assuming it can get out its own vote.

The other great imponderable in this election relates to the new single seat constituencies. It is very difficult to tell which seats in this election are "safe" for either party and which will prove to be marginals. What is certain is that most old assumptions - for example, that Warwick and Hamilton Parish are the traditional election battlegrounds - are now meaningless.

Instead, certain seats within certain parishes are likely to be very hard-fought and one of the keys for both parties will be determining which they are and where each party should devote its resources.

This election will also put a greater emphasis on individual candidates than previously. Few candidates will be campaigning in precisely the same areas that they have in the past, and that means that they will have to spend more time introducing themselves to voters, even in what might be assumed to be safe seats.

Nor will weaker candidates be able to count on being able to get elected on the coat-tails of their running mates; instead they will have to rely on their own hard work and individual merit. That means, regardless of the hi-tech electioneering techniques available to the parties, that this election will be won or lost where it always has been, on the doorsteps of Bermuda's voters.

That puts the responsibility on the voters, to make reasoned decisions on which candidates they feel will best represent them, both as individuals and as representatives of the parties and the philosophies and policies they represent. This is a heavy responsibility that the voters must take seriously.