Introduction The Committee for the Independence of Bermuda (CIB) is most honoured to have received an invitation by the Cabinet Committee on Independence to make a submission regarding various aspects of the Independence issue. Since we were formed in 1990 we have made our pro-Independence position clear and have endeavoured to build a national consensus toward achieving national sovereignty. Alongside this goal, however, the importance of accurate information and opinion rooted in logic and clear thinking have always been stressed in our pronouncements and publications for we are mindful of the onerous emotional baggage all too often disproportionately on such deliberations. The proposed Green Paper on Independence -- part two, if you will -- is welcomed by the CIB because it provides the opportunity for Bermudians to gain additional information on an issue we feel can only be resolved satisfactorily when we achieve full self-determination.

In keeping with the instructions contained in the letter of invitation to address any questions or concerns the CIB would like the Committee to address, "either relating to Bermuda's present constitutional position, or its position in the event of an independent Bermuda,'' this submission is largely concerned with such matters. It would be remiss, though, if our comments were limited to such concerns because a number of related aspects must necessarily be highlighted if Bermudians are to be fully informed on this issue. Three aspects most important are: (1) the reason for the government initiative on Independence; (2) the Committee's terms of reference, and (3) the process for deciding the Independence issue. We believe such matters are necessarily intertwined in the present round of deliberations and we asked your Committee's indulgence when we extend our submission beyond the letter of instructions.

Government's New Independence Initiative Shortly before the October 1993 election all political parties indicated that Independence was not an election issue. The Progressive Labour Party and the National Liberal Party made reference to nationhood on their respective platforms as an issue to be decided at some point into the future while the United Bermuda Party made no comment on the matter at all. By November 1993, Bermuda's political leadership had taken a decision -- although this was not made public -- to raise Independence and have the matter decided by way of a referendum. In December 1993, Premier Swan announced the British would be withdrawing their military presence from the island, intimating this should persuade Bermuda to rethink its relationship with Britain. Since the announcement was made some months after initial disclosure by the British one can reasonably conclude its timing was meat to achieve an additional objective other than simply informing the public of the base closure.

Early this year Government attempted to hold a Commission of Inquiry on Independence to be followed by a referendum. Throughout the acrimonious debate within Parliament and without a number of Government Ministers indeed Premier Swan himself, have repeatedly pointed out that Bermuda needs to consider the Independence question because we live within "a rapidly changing world.'' Aside from the fact that the world has changed rapidly at least since the age of the industrial revolution, and will no doubt continue to, Government's present position is illogical. On the one hand, Government has no official position on Independence, while on the other hand, it is telling Bermudians to make a decision. Clearly, Government does have concerns about our present constitutional position -- which is why the question of Independence is raised -- but they have not disclosed the reasons to Bermudians. This is a disservice. The Committee for the Independence of Bermuda hold the view that this latest bout of Independence fever by Government was not a bolt from nowhere and the people of this country have a right to full disclosure of Government's rationale. While we fully support this initiative, we respectfully request this matter be addressed in your report. In the absence of such disclosure suspicions of personal motivation and hidden agendas will continue to plague this important debate. The Committee on Independence's Terms of Reference Under Section A of the terms of reference your Committee has been asked to consider the effects of Bermuda remaining a Dependent Territory of the United Kingdom or becoming an independent country within the British Commonwealth. With regard to Dependent Territory status, mention is made of possible constitutional changes affecting the governor's powers. The CIB understands the British Government made it clear in 1988 that Bermuda would be granted no further constitutional changes -- particularly those involving devolution of power -- unless the island was on a clear timetable leading to Independence. Unless the British have changed their position it would seem futile to pursue this avenue.

On the matter of Bermuda as an independent country, the CIB is concerned about both the limitation imposed on your Committee and the lack of detail. In terms of the limitation you have been prevented from considering Bermuda as an independent country outside of the British Commonwealth. Lack of detail manifests itself in that more should have been said about the options within the Commonwealth. Bermuda could either have the Queen as the head of state or choose not to (as have most countries within the Commonwealth.) If the objective is to provide information to Bermudians to allow for a clearly thought out decision the Committee has an obligation to consider these issues as well.

Bermuda as a British Dependent Territory The Committee for the Independence of Bermuda is profoundly concerned that the island is being stifled in its present constitutional status and wishes the Committee to address the following concerns.

The Political Structure One of the fundamental tenets of democracy is that the people should rule; and under the Westminster system that rule is achieved indirectly, through the parliamentary process. But we have not achieved this in a number of important areas vita to our national interests. We do not control the police force or regiment, although we fund both fully. Consequently, there is no accountability to Parliament, to the body elected to run the country. The governor's responsibility for the regiment and police is inconsistent with the expectations in a democratic society.

Our electoral constituencies have an in-built bias in that there is no equality of voting strength across the island. A vote in Pembroke East, for example, is worth half as much as a vote in Paget West. Our present constitution supports this inequality since it requires the constituencies remain within parish boundaries.

With responsibility for external affairs in the hands of London, through the governor, we remain unable to chart our destiny to the extent possible in an interdependent world. Discussions on matters vital to our national interest with other countries can only be held with British approval; and the British have made it clear they will not support any agreement Bermuda wishes to enter into if it conflicts with their interests. The most recent illustration of this involves the Bermuda delegation involved in the Base talks with the United States government.

The Economic Structure The CIB recognises tourism and international business as the two important pillars of the Bermudian economy. There is also recognition that a sentiment exists among certain sections of the population that Independence will drive away both tourists and international companies. In light of the fact that most tourists and travel agents do not even know Bermuda is a colony (supported by a July 1994 trade survey) it seems doubtful tourists will cease coming.

British traditions, which may hold appeal for some tourists, need not disappear at Independence. International companies come to Bermuda for a variety of reasons, one of which is political stability. The pursuit of Independence need not produce political instability. And with a government mindful of the concerns of this vital sector of the economy any concerns could easily be addressed.

Our primary concern about economic matters under the present constitutional framework really involve the potential for economic difficulties. With the existence of two large economic blocs of the East (the European Union) and West (the North American Free Trade Agreement) of us and the soon to be established World Trade Organisation, Bermuda needs to be able to lobby for its own economic interests. This takes greater significance when one considers the WTO will be examining the financial services industry with a view toward establishing international rules and regulations. Bermuda will be able to lobby best when it can speak for itself at all international forums, because as Premier Swan once noted "Bermuda's interests are not necessarily the same as those of the United Kingdom.'' The Social Structure One of the intangibles in the Independence debate is the symbolic value of Independence. Presently, we have powerful symbols of colonial domination and English culture. They are reinforced in the political structure, the educational system and society. But the British flag, `God Save the Queen' and the governor's plumed hat are outmoded and oppressive relics in Bermuda today: a bi-racial, multi-cultural, ethnically diverse society. While we make strides to break the "shackles of the past'', to use David Critchley's evocative term, with a whole range of community and government initiatives, we sustain divisions with these symbols. The CIB are convinced that Bermuda's long-term social development will be hampered so long as we are not prepared to create symbols and invent traditions to supplant the divisiveness of English cultural hegemony. Young people need symbols of pride, and while they will never become panaceas, they can be important building blocks for greater social harmony.

Bermuda as an Independent Country Were Bermuda to become an independent country, the island will take its place among the world of nations in what we view as a most logical and necessary step in its constitutional development. A number of matters would have to be decided such as the level of diplomatic representation abroad and membership in international organisations and we request the Committee giving some attention to these aspects.

The CIB's view is that cost is not an issue, although we would welcome cost estimations, to the extent possible, of various scenarios as was provided for in the 1977 Green Paper. Comments on the provisions for defence are also in order and one option would be to have none as is the case in certain countries.

One issue the Committee might assess is the impact of emigration at Independence. Most countries that have achieved Independence since 1945 have seen varying numbers of persons depart for any number of reasons. While these emigrations have been largely in those countries that either had war or social unrest immediately prior to Independence it might be useful to determine if this will be a factor in Bermuda and the consequences, if any.

After the Green Paper The Committee is set with the task of presenting a Green paper to Parliament -- and to the people -- to generate discussion and as a prelude to an intended referendum. It is this approach which the Committee for the Independence of Bermuda takes great exception to for we feel it is not in the best interests of Bermuda. No provision is made for a White Paper on Independence, outlining government's position on the issue -- for or against. And in the absence of any other Government commitment to express its position on the intended referendum through another means, government's strategy becomes highly unorthodox. Indeed, it is irresponsible for any government to take a country to a referendum on an issue of such vital importance without itself declaring its stance. Governments are elected to lead and lead they should.

The CIB outlined in January 1994 its concerns about a referendum. The main issue here is that while at face value it is a most democratic technique it takes away more democratic rights than it ostensibly provides for: voters will have a say in whether or not they favour Independence but, in its present articulation, no input into the shape and content of an independent Bermuda. A referendum suffers from a number of other weaknesses as well: its simplicity (yes or no) camouflages the complexities of Independence which cannot be reduced to a single sentence the wording of the statement has considerable influence on the outcome it will be invalidated by a low voter turnout this form of direct participation is incompatible with our system of representative democracy no British territory has every used the referendum to decide Independence An additional item involves the question of who should decide the Independence issue. The obvious answer for many is that all persons on the electoral register have the right to decide the issue. This would also include persons without Bermuda status who were granted the right to vote under previous legislation. Should they be allowed to vote? Should all persons born on the island and lived all their lives in Bermuda be allowed to vote? What criteria are best suited to making this decision? Does the fact that there was an orchestrated government campaign during the 1960s to manipulate immigration policy in favour of white people from the Commonwealth for political purposes (a practice condemned by UN General Assembly Resolution 40/56, December 2, 1985) have any bearing on this discussion? The CIB feel there must be a public airing of such issues so that an informed decision can be taken.

In conclusion, the Committee for the Independence of Bermuda wishes to once again thank the Committee on Independence for inviting us to submit our remarks on this issue. Time constraints have prevented us from providing as much detail as we would have liked but we would be happy to elaborate on any point verbally should that be the desire of the Committee. We hoped the comments are accepted in the spirit given -- frank and honest discussion of the central issue before the country with a view toward building and stronger and better future for the next generation of Bermudians.

PRO-INDEPENDENCE -- Mr. C. Walton Brown Jr. makes his views known to Government.