I<$>F Dr. Ewart Brown’s bid to become the next leader of the Progressive Labour Party — and thus the Premier of this country — is successful at tonight’s all important PLP delegates’ conference, it will mean the passing of the torch of leadership from one generation to the other. But more importantly, from my point of view, it will mark the political coming of age of a contemporary of the black youth who fought in the streets both here in Bermuda and in America during the Black Power revolt in the 1960s and early ‘70s.

As an individual who lived through those times and who was a player in those turbulent racial upheavals and civil protests, I was once asked by another contemporary from those times — who was reflecting on Bermuda’s current political situation — the following question: “What was the essence of those times, what influence did it provide in terms of in the direction that this country should go?”

Well, for one thing there were no competing “Town” and “Country” gangs among Bermuda’s black young during those times, only island-wide unity from Somerset to St. George’s.

There was no confusion among young people about what needed to be done to change our country for the better. There was very little apathy or resignation, either. We were a galvanised generation — ready, willing and able to help bring about long overdue social and economic change in this generally slow-moving island.

In answering my friend’s question, I cited the title of a novel written by Ghanaian author Ayi Kwei Armah when he wrote about the political and social fate that overtook his country in the post-Independence era: The Beautiful Ones Are Not Yet Born.

In many ways — forgetting for a moment the fact this Government has not pursued sovereign Independence for Bermuda — Bermuda, in the wake of the coming to power of the Progressive Labour party in 1998, has experienced its own forms of disappointments and failures.

After all, so much was expected of the PLP when we finally saw a change in political leadership — there were so many hopes, dreams and ambitions invested in the party.

I stated last week that I had originally intended to wait before commenting on Dr. Brown’s leadership challenge because I first wanted to hear him outline his vision for the future of this country, the policy blueprint he was preparing for PLP delegates charged with making a historical decision on behalf of the people of Bermuda.

Well, he has now spelled out his vision and I will comment at this 11th hour on some of them.

On the question of the quest for Bermudian Independence and Dr. Brown’s position on this issue should he become Premier, as I predicted in last week’s Commentary —<$> entirely correctly — he will put sovereignty on the backburner temporarily, a decision born out of political pragmatism. No, I was not standing behind Dr. Brown, whispering in his ear and influencing him to come to this conclusion. I suppose I could be tempted to say something about great minds thinking alike, but that is not quite it.Even though I continue to argue in favour of Bermudian Independence, I have no illusions about the fact this quest is — and will continue to be — an uphill battle. It will take time and a logically constructed and presented case to convince the majority of Bermudians that the creation of an Independent Bermudian micro-nation is in our collective interests.

And this ongoing struggle to win the hearts and minds of Bermudians needs strong, principled leadership — for if you look at the historical development of Independence movements around the world, no such struggle was ever successful without these ingredients.

Bermuda needs politicians who make clear Independence is their goal — and that Independence can benefit all of the people — and then who lead from the front.

Certainly no such situation like this currently exists in Bermuda. The PLP was not leading from the front when it passed the issue to the Bermuda Independence Commission, it does not play the role of advocate for national Independence.

The PLP has, in fact, led the question of Bermudian Independence down a dead-end street.

We will have to start from the beginning if we are to save and resuscitate the issue of Independence. And this is the clear direction I see Dr. Brown taking if he is elected as leader of the PLP and becomes the Premier of this country.

On another issue — the question of race which goes to the heart of ever achieving any overriding sense of national unity — Dr. Brown is correct in his statements regarding this key area as well.

As a country we must face up to the realities of Bermuda’s racial past. But I do not agree that we need some form of truth and reconciliation exercise along the lines of the South African model.

Bermuda is not South Africa any more than we were America in the 1960s when we thought we should follow the African-American lead in terms of achieving the goal of so-called racial integration.

The quest for true integration is a failure. What we have is a truce, a cessation of open hostilities between the races, but we have not solved the legacy of racism.

Why else do we continue to talk about it even into the 21st century, a hundred years since African-American scholar and author W.E.B. DuBois identified the problem of their 20th century as being the problem of race.

There has been one great consequence for black people as a result of our pursuit of so-called racial integration, apart from winning civil and human rights in formerly racist societies, and that is the loss of black self-determination.

Today we depend on others to solve problems within our communities — problems which are clearly our own responsibilities.

I was reminded of what we lost as a people in the way of self-determination when I attended the recent official opening of the new Berkeley Institute and the dignitaries spoke of the vision of the Founding Fathers, who had the help and support of a few white people.

But what if they had waited for the white community as a whole to carry out their vision? Would we have today the educational legacy of a Berkeley Institute? Concerning the South African model of formal Truth and Reconciliation commissions, I reject any process that takes this form in Bermuda because in the South African context such a process was necessary so black people could find out what happened to their brothers and sisters, their fathers and sons, who were killed by the apartheid regime — the leadership of which is still alive and could be questioned on who gave the orders to torture and assassinate and where the graves of the missing were located.There is no white person alive in Bermuda today who could be brought before such an inquiry and cross-examined on the injustices and violence done to black people during Bermuda’s period of slavery. Even those alive during the period of officially sanctioned racial segregation are fast dying out.

No, Dr. Brown spoke to Bermuda’s history and I took that to mean we should tell the truth about Bermuda’s history. Put that truth in Bermuda’s school history books in both private and public schools.

Raise a monument to an Unknown Slave if we must, an individual who represents all black people brought here in bondage.

If there is going to be a true dialogue on race in this country, then let it begin with the question I have asked repeatedly in the past: “What is it that I, a black Bermudian, have in common with my fellow white Bermuda?”

I genuinely would like an answer — and I would genuinely like to know the commonalities that exist between the black and white communities.

I could go on in my critique of Dr. Brown’s vision for the future of Bermuda, but I will save further comment for next week.

I just hope those charged with the decision to choose a PLP leader this evening will choose the one best suited to bring forth a new vision for our country.