Nothing really changed with the 2025 election, did it? The Progressive Labour Party government was returned to power, albeit with a reduced majority in the legislature, but still a handsome and comfortable majority of 25 seats to 11 for the opposition One Bermuda Alliance. The status quo remained intact. Or not? Dig a little deeper below the surface of the result and there are indicators of voter dissatisfaction and desire for change.

The first sign was the actual turnout itself: only 55 per cent of those on the voting register bothered to turn out on the day. Not all of those who failed to vote can be accounted for, as either students abroad on the day or voters now living abroad. Some but not all. There were those who chose to vote with their feet by not voting at all. It happens and it has happened before. The 2012 election is largely regarded as one such example when the OBA happened to win the government.

Then there was the result. We now have a government which won with slightly less than 50 per cent of those who did vote. Those who ran in opposition won more votes. Drill down further and this less than impressive state of affairs worsens in appearance: the PLP won the government with only 28 per cent of those eligible to vote — 12,300 voters out of the registered total of 45,064. Combined votes of opposition candidates was only slightly better.

Consider this too: our 36 constituencies average about 1,250 registered voters each — from a low of 1,121 to a high of 1,395 — and only a handful of constituencies saw as many as 800 voters show up to vote. Hardly overwhelming.

Pundits ponder over the possible reasons why. Those who knocked on doors during the campaign may have a better idea than the rest of us. At the very least, those who canvassed and canvassed hard will know who didn’t vote and why. They should share what they learnt; if not with us, then with the Parliamentary Registrar.

My first guess is growing disenchantment with politics generally, possibly even disillusionment. The emergence of as many as 27 independents was the first clue. Spearheaded largely by Sir John Swan, as a group they attracted less than 10 per cent of the overall vote. They were not that competitive in their individual constituencies. Hardly impressive.

But they were always going to have an uphill battle. Independents presented a whole new dynamic for voters. Canvassing for them was critical. Independents have to establish their creds on the doorstep and not just at election time. To state the obvious: there is no party behind them, no avowed policies or plans on what they would do should they win a majority. Anyone can run, but not everyone can run a government — and running the government is what must be done after an election.

The independents insisted that they were not an organised group and tried their best to appear that way. But they might have been better off to have taken a different approach and met as a group before election day to tell voters that this is what they agree on, and what they intend to achieve should they win. It need not have been long; a simple ten-point plan might have helped. Voters looking for alternatives cannot be faulted for wanting to see and vote on a plan for the country going forward. Especially in the face of a government party that ran on a track record and with plans for the next term.

There was also this factor: candidates claim they will work with one another, co-operate and collaborate, after the election as they seek to change the way in which politics is conducted. Members will be free to vote as they see fit. No party whip. That may have had some appeal. But if they are going to do this after the election, why not before? It will stand as good evidence, possibly persuasive, of how things will work after the vote.

Overlooked, too, was the lesson learnt in 2011 when the Bermuda Democratic Alliance split from the United Bermuda Party. A subsequent by-election showed that an opposition divided only ends up competing for second and third. Moreover, close may count in horseshoes, but not in politics. Division is simply not a winning option in electoral mathematics.

The Free Democratic Movement served to once again underscore the challenge of third parties in Bermuda politics. They were never going to form the government and at best could only play the role of spoiler. But even that was a long shot, as it turned out.

Nevertheless, those votes that the FDM candidates garnered, along with those of other candidates who stood as alternatives in opposition, showed that there was something happening on the ground and across the 36 constituencies.

There was and may still be sufficient voter dissatisfaction that will prove fertile ground for those who are prepared to work for change — starting now, not when the next election is called. Whether they be PLP, OBA, FDM or independent.

• John Barritt is a former elected member of the Bermuda legislature where he served for 18 years. This is part three of a four-part series in which he takes a close look at the 2025 General Election and what it may mean. Dialogue is welcomed. John may be reached at jbarritt@ibl.bm

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