During the 2025 General Election, the Progressive Labour Party nominated 13 women out of 36 candidates; the One Bermuda Alliance put forward six and the Free Democratic Movement four. The PLP championed its record-breaking female slate on the campaign trail, then doubled down by stacking the Senate with an almost all-women team. Women make up 31.9 per cent of Bermuda’s legislature overall — 15 out of 47 members, including 22 per cent of the House of Assembly (eight out of 36) and 64 per cent of the Senate (seven out of 11).

Bermuda meets the sustainable development goals for minimal representation, set at 30 per cent exactly for the critical mass of influence in the legislature. The ultimate goal is complete gender parity, set at 50 per cent. In 2015, former prime minister Justin Trudeau gave Canada its first Cabinet of 15 men and 15 women, and nominated several women to high-stakes ministerial portfolios such as defence and economy. But does the election and promotion of more women in politics mean that women will be better represented? It’s complicated.

Women in the legislature

A wide body of literature suggests that if women make up less than 15 per cent of the legislative bodies, their influence is constrained. Newly elected women, in particular, are less likely to vote against a party line, less likely to organise a gender power alliance, and more likely to be conservative in their policy preferences.

Researchers also find that women are more effective legislators, yet speak less in Parliament and are less likely to contribute during parliamentary debates (Anzia & Berry, 2011; Fulton, 2012; Milyo & Schosberg, 2000). Take, for example, the parliamentary session on March 21. Home affairs minister Alexa Lightbourne was the only woman I heard speak during this session, apart from Lovitta Foggo, the Deputy Speaker.

Ms Lightbourne’s maiden speech lasted for ten minutes and 18 seconds, and maintained a noise level of a “normal conversation”, ranging between 62 and 68 decibels. MP Kim Swan spoke for 29 minutes and 19 seconds, and flipped between the noise levels of a “gas-powered lawnmower”, “city traffic” and “normal conversation” between 98 and 68 decibels.

I’ve analysed key elements from Ms Lightbourne’s maiden speech and Mr Swan’s contributions. While Mr Swan is not a government minister, he is a seasoned politician and former leader of the United Bermuda Party. His parliamentary career dates back to 1998 — excluding what he called a “hiatus” in 2012.

Comparing a newly elected parliamentarian to a longstanding career politician may seem unbalanced. However, the evidence suggests that Ms Lightbourne’s speech is more structured, policy-focused and relevant to parliamentary functions — overall, a more substantive contribution to the House of Assembly.

Mr Swan’s contribution, while reflective and passionate, lacks the clarity, statistical support and strategic focus necessary for a strong parliamentary impact.

A more in-depth, longitudinal study would be useful to identify and generate productive members in the legislature more confidently. However, as the House of Assembly reconvenes and particularly debates the Budget, members should be keenly aware that Bermudians are listening and want to see the people they elect to have a solutions-oriented approach in the House. That’s what the legislature is for.

In any case, the levels of representation in the House should bring attention to issues around gender in Bermuda. Pitkin’s distinctions between symbolic and substantive representation are helpful vignettes for distinguishing between campaign strategy and gender progress in Bermuda.

Types of female representation

While gender quotas and electoral reforms have increased women’s presence in decision-making bodies, they do not automatically translate to influence. Many women in politics still face structural barriers — such as exclusion from key committees or informal power networks — that limit their ability to enact change. Formalistic and symbolic representation is a crucial first step, but without substantive follow-through, it risks being tokenistic.

Hannah Pitkin’s Conception of Representation: I’ve included only two out of four types.

Most scholars and policy strategists prefer substantive representation, although they acknowledge the importance of symbolic representation. Research shows that an increase in women elected positively impacts policy and mobilisation efforts. A positive relationship exists between women's elections and policies that benefit women. So, the more women elected, the better their lives will be.

However, it is hard to be confident that Bermuda fits these trends because patriarchy is uniquely resilient. Women have worked hard to challenge traditional conceptions of femininity by not only integrating into the labour force and education, but now outperforming men across educational attainment. Comparatively, it seems men have done less soul-searching on conceptions of masculinity and love in relation to this new generation of women.

Instead, levels of incel culture and misogyny have reached decade highs, and in the absence of allyship, the rise of manosphere content has waged a new war on women. Analysis conducted on six million posts from 300,000 conversations created between 2011 and December 2018 show increasing patterns of misogynistic content and users as well as violent attitudes, corroborating existing theories of feminist studies that the amount of misogyny, hostility and violence is steadily increasing (Farrell et al, 2019).

To improve women’s lives in Bermuda, advocates and representatives alike need to be clear and honest about the problems they face and their subsequent actions. Representation is a necessary step towards substantive progress and development on this front.

• Tierrai Tull is the founder of Bermuda Youth Connect, studying at Oxford in the Department of Politics and International Relations on the Rhodes Scholarship