Alex Scott, the compromise choice as leader after a stormy night at Devonshire Recreation Club, calmed the waters effectively presiding over a divided camp. It was probably fitting also, given he was by then a seasoned politician who would embrace change but was not inclined to be as radical as the younger faction pushing for the immediate ouster of Dame Jennifer Smith.

It was clear that most of the senior politicians of the day, such as Eugene Cox, Reginald Burrows, Dame Lois Browne-Evans or even stalwarts like Ira Philip, were not supportive of the coup d’état style being orchestrated at that special meeting.

Even long after the meeting, there were separate camps of those who wanted to pursue a change in leadership — headed by Ewart Brown and the other camp of “Never Dr Brown”. Again, these alignments roughly were between the older members of the party to one side and young to middle-aged adults on the other — the latter being supporters of Dr Brown. Aside from the 11 MPs, there would be, for example, Julian Hall and other notable activists and lawyers.

The momentum was set, as many of the older members of the Progressive Labour Party were leaving the political scene, one by one, after serving many decades. The inevitable set in and Dr Brown jubilantly and enthusiastically took over the premiership from Alex Scott three years later in 2006.

Dr Brown’s focus was on the ministries and civil servants. He had a bold vision for how the country and its various ministries should be run. He was about modernising Bermuda's transport services. Fast ferries, a 15-minute wait for public transport, FutureCare, the list goes on — to such an extent that some would argue he usurped the role of the permanent secretaries to implement his vision.

Within two years of his premiership, he had pulled away even from those MPs who supported him. Considered now by his original core as the “Runaway Premier”, he developed his loyalty through the civil servants and not the party, which had become secondary to his power base.

As a leader, he lost a considerable amount of party and MP support, with a steady stream of at times hostile reactions amid a smouldering coup from MPs and activists, but little mattered because he had control over the Government and it would be of no concern who or what subsequent leader emerged from the party.

It was no coincidence that the new leader, Paula Cox, assuming power in 2010 after his resignation as premier, tabled anti-corruption legislation; rather, it was instinctive. Ms Cox wasn’t speaking lightly when she described herself in her role as premier as a “cog in the wheel” because that was true — she had no control over the ministries, the most important of which were under Dr Brown.

The fundamental difference between Dr Brown and David Burt, the present leader, is that the latter gained his political acumen through the ranks as a product of the PLP. He consolidated party support and essentially inherited the civil servants. Dr Brown, on the other hand, was not an insider — he was an activist and parachuted to political prominence. In any event, the pathway to create an emperor was established by Dr Brown and perfected by Mr Burt.

There are a few MPs lurking in the background hoping to have their turn in that spot very soon.

This issue of the premiership with near-absolute control is an open systemic vulnerability. It doesn’t matter which party or even if a new one is formed, they all have “to be emperor” in mind. Not until the authority is structurally returned to the people as a participatory democracy with checks and balances will Bermuda be immune to fancies of emperorship.

What do we do about it?

To be continued ...