How the 'People's Premier' fell out of favour with her Cabinet
Few victories can seem as hollow today as Jennifer Smith's successful stewardship of the PLP's re-election on Thursday night.
While she took the plaudits in front of adoring PLP supporters who thronged Court Street, colleagues were actively plotting to remove her.
Although the Premier's political woes may seem sudden and dramatic, they were not surprising - despite the fact she had taken the party to the promised land in 1998 after 30 years in the wilderness.
Party radicals accused her of failing to move to Independence while backbenchers and even Ministers felt shut out from the decision-making process as she huddled with a trusted clique.
But often critics focused more on problems of style rather than substance. In an Island where everybody knows everybody and politeness is premium, word of Ms Smith's arrogance and aloofness quickly spread.
A fondness of foreign travel and champagne wasn't really what supporters were expecting of the 'People's Premier'.
Groomed by party legend Dame Lois Browne-Evans as her protege, Ms Smith built up a fine reputation as a Shadow Minister, with dogged and detailed grilling of the United Bermuda Party government's education policy.
She garnered grassroot support by careful cultivation at small social gatherings where she was more approachable than in later years.
But in the House of Assembly and more often in dealing with the Press, her grasp of detail turned into pedantry.
She has often proudly proclaimed she didn't read the papers - an odd boast for someone aiming to keep their pulse on the thoughts of the nation.
This can backfire. Memorably so when confronted by a delegation of parents from St. George's Preparatory angry at plans to axe entry classes - she explained she didn't know about the issue as she had been off the Island.
Proud to distance herself from the John Swan kissing-babies style of politics she veered too much the other way and needlessly turned allies against her.
It was a classic case of self destruction, particularly set against an often successful Premiership which had seen steady economic growth, thorny issues like long-term residency settled and steady dialogue with business which grew to trust her - in stark contrast to pessimists who had feared a mass exodus.
Feared rather than loved, the first rebellion was not long in coming. Then-Environment Minister Arthur Hodgson launched his bid to oust her in 2000.
Despite being trounced, dejected Hodgson supporters were already plotting again in the corners of the BIU headquarters moments after the result was announced.
Backbencher Randy Horton said then that a challenge would still be possible two years down the line - even if it was just before the next election.
He said then: "You could see a challenge. It's quite likely, it depends on how things run."
Anger was further fuelled by Mr. Hodgson's sacking from the Cabinet. Ms Smith astutely brought Mr. Horton into the Cabinet but rumblings continued, often in coded form by a party keen not to rock the boat so soon after gaining power for the first time.
There was a failed putsch by MPs in May, 2002 which resulted in a tied 9-9 vote after a tense five-hour meeting.
In a rearguard action, party chiefs pushed through a change to the PLP's constitution to extend the term of the leadership from two to four years.
Spotting the likelihood of being locked into another forced marriage with an unloved leader, MPs voiced disquiet.
At the time Mr. Butler said: "If you are doing your job, you should have no problem with anyone at any time challenging your leadership."